By Javar Juarez (CUBNSC) - "The Origins of Poor White Trash: A Masterless Men." In understanding the complexities of American history, particularly regarding race and class, we must acknowledge that the narratives surrounding poor whites and their relationship to slavery and race are often oversimplified. The term “poor white trash” has historically been used to demean and marginalize a significant portion of the white population, yet their struggles deserve recognition. While African Americans have endured profound suffering under slavery and systemic racism, it is essential to realize that poor whites also faced significant hardships, particularly in the antebellum South.
Historian Hinton Helper, an abolitionist from North Carolina, boldly argued that the institution of slavery not only enslaved Black individuals but also subjected poor whites to a form of economic and social degradation he termed “a second degree of slavery.” In his influential work, Helper outlined how the wealth of a small class of slaveholders dominated the South’s economy and politics, leaving the majority of whites, who neither owned land nor slaves, in a precarious position. This economic disparity fostered resentment among poor whites, who began to understand that their plight was intrinsically linked to the very institution of slavery that elevated a few at the expense of many.
“The liberation of five million “poor white trash” from the second degree of slavery and of three million miserable kidnapped Negroes from the first degree cannot be accomplished too soon. It now behooves us to take a bold and determined stance in defense of the inalienable rights of ourselves and our fellow men, and to abandon the multiplicity of social and political wrongs which we have suffered at the hands of a villainous oligarchy. If today we could emancipate the slaves in the Union, we would do it, and the country and everyone in it would be vastly better off tomorrow. Now is the time for action. Let us work.” — Hinton Helper, 1857
As the antebellum period progressed, the social and economic conditions for poor whites deteriorated. The expansion of plantation slavery rendered many white laborers superfluous, leading to increased unemployment and underemployment. This growing discontent among poor whites culminated in their eventual push against the oligarchic structures upheld by slaveholders.
Throughout history, poor whites have posed a significant threat to the maintenance of slavery, despite having no direct ties to the institution itself. The tumultuous 1830s marked a period of profound social change in America, particularly with the rise of abolitionist sentiment. Historian Hinton Helper observed that a small yet wealthy group of slaveholders dominated the South, exerting control over politics and the economy while labeling the master class as a disgrace to humanity.
Helper challenged pro-slavery arguments by asserting that free whites could not compete with the advantages of slave labor. Contrary to claims from the planter class that Black slavery elevated the status of all whites, Helper recognized that social standing in the South was more closely tied to slave ownership than to skin color. He categorized non-slaveholders as a distinct economic class, emphasizing their struggles within the hierarchical structure. In an effort to suppress abolitionist ideas, slaveholders swiftly banned Helper’s influential work, The Impending Crisis, from the South. They resorted to extreme measures, including threats of violence against those who dared to bring copies of the book into the region. The intense reaction from the master class strongly suggests that Helper’s theories regarding the societal dynamics of the South were more accurate than previously acknowledged.
The Specie Circular Act of 1836 played a significant role in solidifying class distinctions in America. This law mandated that all governmental land purchases be conducted using silver and gold, effectively creating barriers for landless individuals seeking to acquire property. As a result, the ability to enter the ranks of the landed became nearly impossible for many. Although the act was intended to promote an era of universal white male suffrage, it ultimately reinforced existing economic inequalities and restricted access to land ownership for those already marginalized in society.
After President Andrew Jackson vetoed the recharter of the Second Bank and withdrew government deposits, he launched an attack on the entire banking industry by issuing the Specie Circular in 1836. This executive order, implemented by his Treasury Secretary, Levi Woodbury, mandated that payment for government lands be made in gold or silver coins rather than bank notes or deposits, effective after August 15. Jackson’s successor, Martin Van Buren, maintained this policy despite criticism that it contributed to the Panic of 1837 and the subsequent deep recession.
The end of slavery, while a monumental shift for African Americans, also altered the landscape for poor whites. Freed from the economic stranglehold of slavery, many poor whites found themselves in a new position within society. With the abolition of slavery, the harsh penalties previously imposed on poor whites for minor offenses began to ease, allowing them greater freedom and opportunity to engage in economic activities. This new reality prompted a re-evaluation of their identity and place within the social hierarchy.
Yet, the myth of white unity over slavery continues to obscure the historical complexities faced by poor whites. Contrary to the narrative that all white southerners supported the institution of slavery, recent scholarship reveals a more nuanced understanding. Economic realities made it increasingly clear that most poor whites recognized the futility of aspiring to become slaveholders. Instead, they found themselves aligned with a common struggle against the oppressive forces of the wealthy elite, a dynamic that has echoes in today’s socio-economic struggles.
It is crucial to recognize the shared struggles of poor whites and Black Americans within the historical context of American society. While the suffering of African Americans under slavery was more severe and sustained, the repercussions of slavery also extended to poor whites, who faced systemic barriers that hindered their economic mobility and social standing. This shared history serves as a reminder that while we navigate our identities within the framework of race and class, we must also acknowledge the interconnectedness of our struggles against a system designed to keep us divided.
Completely removed from many privileges associated with whiteness, poor whites existed as masterless individuals within an increasingly hierarchical society dominated by the wealthiest 1%. This reality deeply troubled slaveholders in the region, as poor white southerners developed a sense of class consciousness and, over time, became openly resentful of the slaveholding class. With their labor rendered almost unnecessary, some poor whites opted to withdraw from society altogether, choosing to live off the land and often running afoul of the law. Others struggled to make ends meet through occasional odd jobs and seasonal agricultural work, which frequently forced them to relocate in search of employment. This instability fractured households, leaving many families headed by women for significant portions of the year.
While poor whites did not experience the same brutality and abuse as African Americans, they nonetheless faced significant hardships as a result of the institution of slavery. Unfortunately, the legal system in the South, heavily influenced by slaveholders, targeted poor whites for nonviolent behavioral offenses, such as trading or drinking, and for social interactions with enslaved people and free Blacks. On the eve of secession, slaveholders continued to jail poor whites for minor debts, publicly whip thieves, and auction off debtors and criminals for their labor to the highest bidder. The Old South’s sophisticated legal system was further complemented by an effective extralegal apparatus, including vigilance committees and Minutemen groups, which worked to maintain both slavery and the existing social hierarchy. Ultimately, these factors contributed to a divided region that was forced into a war that many did not desire.
The ruling class harbored a profound fear that poor whites and poor Black individuals might unite and challenge their authority. In an effort to prevent this alliance, slaveholders attempted to frighten poor whites into supporting the Confederacy. They predicted an impending race war following emancipation, warning that freeing enslaved people would result in starvation-level wages for poor whites. Slave owners claimed that without slavery, Black men would marry the daughters of poor whites, leading to a scenario where poor whites would become impoverished and socially equal to Black individuals.
Despite this racist rhetoric, many poor whites resisted the Confederate cause. Slaveholders resorted to threats of imprisonment, vigilante violence, and even death to coerce poor individuals into service during the Civil War. The high rates of layoffs and desertions among lower-class whites ultimately contributed to the Confederacy’s downfall.
In the Old South, the daily experiences of the significant population of poor whites, estimated to be around five million, illustrate the detrimental effects of slavery on their livelihoods. These individuals were acutely aware of the negative impact slavery had on their lives. Often uneducated and largely illiterate, poor whites faced limited opportunities to escape poverty. Historian James Ford Rhodes noted that the poor whites of the South were materially impoverished and lacked education, leading to a condition he described as one of moral degradation.
As the antebellum period progressed, some disillusioned poor whites opted to withdraw from the workforce entirely, choosing instead to live on the fringes of society. Governor James Henry Hammond the 60th Governor of South Carolina, reported to the South Carolina Institute in 1850 that many poor whites managed to survive through sporadic jobs, hunting, fishing, and occasionally resorting to theft from fields. Unfortunately, some engaged in trading with enslaved individuals, exploiting their circumstances for their own benefit.
The lives and deaths of poor white southerners were often marked by chaos and unpredictability, shaped by a combination of material deprivation, hunger, illiteracy, criminal activity, and issues related to alcohol abuse. These factors reinforced self-perpetuating cycles of poverty. Writing nearly a century after Hinton Helper, Richard Morris critiqued the notion that white skin granted individuals freedom in the slave South. He argued that two-thirds of the white population, though technically free, never truly experienced the benefits of that freedom. Slavery, he concluded, severely undermined the economic security of white labor in the slave states and left deep scars on the character and temperament of the ruling class.
The master class, of course, was reluctant to acknowledge the significant number of impoverished poor whites in the region. As abolitionist lawyer William Jay incredulously observed in 1849, it was striking how slaveholders skillfully avoided recognizing any class distinctions beyond masters and slaves. He pointed out that their rhetoric concealed the reality that they were a small minority among the white population, and that, if united, poor whites could potentially outvote them at the polls. This historical context underscores the critical role that modern white abolitionists could play in reshaping the trajectory of our nation; their collective action has the power to challenge systemic injustices and foster greater equity for all.
Epilogue
In our contemporary discourse, it is vital for Black Americans to understand that not all white individuals are complicit in the systemic injustices we face. Poor whites, much like African Americans, have been victimized by the elite’s manipulation of race and class dynamics. This understanding can help bridge gaps and foster alliances that challenge the status quo. By recognizing our shared history and common goals, we can collectively work towards dismantling the systems of oppression that continue to afflict us all.
The path forward requires a re-examination of the narratives we have inherited. By confronting the uncomfortable truths about our past and acknowledging the complexities of race and class, we can cultivate a more inclusive dialogue that recognizes the dignity and struggles of all individuals, regardless of their background. The legacy of slavery is not merely a Black issue; it is an American issue that has shaped the experiences of all marginalized communities.
To move towards a more equitable future, we must cultivate compassion and understanding, fostering solidarity across racial and class lines. As we seek reparative justice and acknowledge the hardships faced by both African Americans and poor whites, we can dismantle the divisive rhetoric perpetuated by those in power. It is only through unity and shared understanding that we can effectively challenge the systemic injustices that persist today.
Thank you for reading!
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Works Cite:
Merritt, Keri Leigh. Masterless Men: Poor Whites and Slavery in the Antebellum South. Cambridge University Press, 2017.
Helper, Hinton Rowan. The Impending Crisis of the South: How to Meet It. Reprint, A.B. Burdick, 1860, pp. 32-33.
Wright, Gavin. Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy since the Civil War. Louisiana State University Press, 1986.
Niemi, Albert W., Jr. “Inequality in the Distribution of Slave Wealth: The Cotton South and Other Southern Agricultural Regions.” Journal of Economic History, vol. 37, no. 3, Sept. 1977, pp. 747, 750.
Elliot, Colleen M., and Louise A. Moxley, editors. The Tennessee Civil War Veterans Questionnaires. Vols. 1-5, Southern Historical Press, Inc., 1985, vol. 3, pp. 966, 1057.
Rhodes, James Ford. History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the McKinley-Bryan Campaign of 1896. Vol. 1, 1850-1854, Macmillan Company, 1920, p. 344.
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